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1st Muharram 1436, 25th October 2014
Hundreds of thousands attended Professor Ghulam Azam’s Janazah which was held after Dhuhr prayers at Baitul Mukarram Mosque in Dhaka. In a fitting tribute to the great leader and Islamic personality, the streets were filled with mourners attending to pay their last respects. The funeral procession and prayers were all conducted peacefully and without incident, despite a heavy police presence. The indignity and hardship of his last years due to the illegal and politically motivated trial conducted by the Awami League government can never be forgotten. The family have found comfort in knowing he was honoured in death with something akin to a state funeral and a dignified burial beside his father in the family graveyard. May Allah accept good deeds and sacrifice in the service of Islam and Bangladesh.
His Janazah was led by his son, former Brigadier General Amaan Azmi. He also gave a powerful speech to the crowd which moved many listeners to tears, speaking of his father’s sincere love for Islam and his hope that many more will continue to be inspired by him. The family are particularly indebted to Amaan for providing constant support to his parents in the face of unrelenting pressure from the government and media.
In addition to the main Janazah prayer, many more thousands attended funerals in absentia which were performed all over Bangladesh and in many other countries around the world on Friday and Saturday. Prayers were led by the eminent scholar, Sheikh Yusuf Al-Qaradawi in Doha, Qatar and in the UK, USA, Finland,Turkey, Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and India. He was particularly revered in Turkey as a close friend of the former Turkish premier, Necmettin Erbakan, and his death was reported as front page news by a national newspaper, as well as by many Turkish supporters on Twitter.
We continue to uphold Ghulam Azam’s innocence and to denounce the International Crimes Tribunal which has led to the wrongful arrest and imprisonment of opposition leaders in Bangladesh. We have no doubt that the trial failed in its aim to provide justice for those who suffered in 1971 and has victimised those who politically opposed independence. Our prayers are with those who remain in custody and with the family of Abdul Quader Mollah.
Mrs Azam said that she went to see Prof Azam at the hospital prison cell of BSMMU on Saturday and found his condition to be “extremely feeble”. She said, “Today we saw him in the worst condition so far. Physically he is so weak that two people had to hold him to get him up from bed. His eyesight has become much weakened and hearing ability considerably lessened than the last time we saw him. It was hard to even hear his voice.”
She continued, “He didn’t even have strength to move his hands, feet, shoulders, head etc. He is hardly able to eat nowadays and his weight is going down day by day looking nothing but a skeleton. He fell down in the bathroom thrice in less than a month. According to him, the doctors found him to be in a critical condition last Thursday”.
“Despite being in such a critical state, the hospital or jail authorities didn’t even inform the family about his condition” – complained Ghulam Azam’s wife.
She expressed concern that such inhumane behaviour, like indifference and lack of care may lead to catastrophic consequences.
In her statement, Mrs Azam requested the authority to release him to ensure his proper medical care under family supervision.
She also called upon the people to pray for her ailing husband.
মানবতাবিরোধী অপরাধের মামলায় ৯০ বছরের কারাদণ্ডপ্রাপ্ত জামায়াতে ইসলামীর সাবেক আমির অধ্যাপক গোলাম আযমের অবস্থা আশঙ্কাজনক বলে জানিয়েছেন তার স্ত্রী সৈয়দা আফিফা আযম।
রবিবার রাতে গণমাধ্যমে পাঠানো এক বিবৃতিতে তিনি এ কথা জানিয়েছেন।
আফিফা আযম বলেছেন, গতকাল শনিবার বিকেলে তিনি অধ্যাপক গোলাম আযমের সঙ্গে বিএসএমএমইউ’র প্রিজন সেলে সাক্ষাৎ করেছেন।
তিনি বলেন, ‘উনার শারীরিক অবস্থা অত্যন্ত নাজুক। এ যাবৎকালের সবচেয়ে খারাপ অবস্থায় আজ উনাকে দেখা গেল। শারীরিকভাবে এতই দুর্বল হয়ে পড়েছেন যে, বিছানা থেকে দু’জনে ধরে উঠাতে হয়েছে। দৃষ্টিশক্তি অনেক ক্ষীণ হয়ে এসেছে, শ্রবণশক্তি অনেক হ্রাস পেয়েছে এবং গলার আওয়াজ অত্যন্ত ক্ষীণ।’
‘হাত-পা-ঘাড়-মাথা এগুলো নাড়ানোর শক্তিও উনার নেই। দিন দিন ওজন কমছে, শুকিয়ে কঙ্কালসার হয়ে গেছেন। এ পর্যন্ত ছয়বার বাথরুমে পড়ে গেছেন। গত এক মাসের কম সময়ের মধ্যেই তিনবার পড়ে গেছেন। খাওয়া-দাওয়া প্রায় করতেই পারছেন না বলা চলে। উনার ভাষ্য অনুযায়ী, গত বৃহস্পতিবার উনার অবস্থা অত্যন্ত আশঙ্কাজনক হয়ে গিয়েছিল এবং চিকিৎসক উনাকে উনার অবস্থা ‘Critical’ বলে জানিয়েছিলেন।’
গোলাম আযমের স্ত্রী বলেন, ‘তার স্বামীর অবস্থা আশঙ্কাজনক হলেও হাসপাতাল কিংবা জেল কর্তৃপক্ষ কেউই পরিবারকে অবহিত করেনি।’
কর্তৃপক্ষের অবজ্ঞা, অযত্ন, অবহেলা, উপেক্ষা ও অমানবিক আচরণে যে কোনো সময়ে মারাত্মক পরিস্থিতি সৃষ্টি হতে পারে বলেও আশঙ্কা প্রকাশ করেন তিনি।
বিবৃতিতে আফিফা আযম তার স্বামীর সুচিকিৎসা নিশ্চিত করার জন্য মুক্তি দিয়ে পরিবারের সার্বিক তত্ত্বাবধানে রাখার অনুমতি দেয়ার জন্য কর্তৃপক্ষের কাছে অনুরোধ জানান।
তিনি তার স্বামীর জন্য দেশবাসীর দোয়া চেয়েছেন।
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THE gallows, not jail, had always seemed like the more likely destination for Abdul Quader Mollah. On September 17th the Supreme Court of Bangladesh made it so. In revising Mr Mollah’s sentence, the Supreme Court also taught a stern lesson to the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT), a flawed but popular war-crimes court. When it comes to the determination of guilt and punishment of war criminals, the Supreme Court will not be gainsaid.
A bench comprised of five Supreme Court judges had to deal with two appeals in the case of Mr Mollah, a leading member of the Jamaat-e-Islami, Bangladesh’s biggest Islamic party. Mr Mollah’s lawyers had appealed against their client’s conviction by the ICT on February 5th on five crimes against humanity committed during Bangladesh’s war of secession from Pakistan in 1971. The judges dismissed the appeal. In addition, they had to decide whether there was merit to the prosecution’s call for a death penalty. Here, the court reversed an earlier acquittal on one charge (the killing of hundreds of villagers) and ruled that on another (the murder of a family) the sentence should be changed: from life imprisonment to death by hanging.
On February 5th Mr Mollah became the first defendant not tried in absentia to be sentenced by the ICT, which is a domestic court set up by prime minister Sheikh Hasina’s ruling Awami League (AL) in 2010. The initial sentence, which would have spared his life, was seen by many Bangladeshis as being too lenient. It triggered mass demonstrations calling for the death sentence to be handed down to all war-crimes defendants and, for good measure, that the Jamaat be banned as a political party. (Another court has since ruled that the party is unfit to contest national polls because its charter puts God above democratic process.) The opposition soon framed the trials as a struggle between anti-Islamist forces and the pious. That paved the way for another kind of march on Dhaka, the capital, by Hefazat-e-Islam, an Islamic splinter group with fundamentalist demands, in May. Then security forces killed as many as 50 of those demonstrators. The effect on the government’s popularity has been devastating.
Three of the charges against Mr Mollah relied on hearsay evidence. The charge for which Mr Mollah will hang was based on the testimony of a single witness, who was an 13-year-old at the time, and no corroborating evidence whatsoever. Mr Mollah was convicted nonetheless, but his guilt proved far harder to establish than his nickname, the “Butcher of Mirpur”, would have suggested.
Bangladesh’s attorney-general, Mahbubey Alam, has said that the verdict is final and there is no room for judicial review. The defence rubbished Mr Alam’s claim and said that it will file a review petition within 30 days of receiving the full verdict. The death penalty cannot be applied before the Supreme Court comes up with a written judgment, and that can take months. Even then Mr Mollah would have the right to seek clemency from the president. It now seems inconceivable that more than two or three of the accused will be sentenced and executed before the elections, which must be held by January 24th.
Mr Mollah is likely to be joined in his predicament by another defendant who is fast running out of legal options. Delwar Hossain Sayedee began his appeals process before the Supreme Court on September 17th. Mr Sayedee is a firebrand preacher, who was sentenced to death by the ICT on February 28th. That ruling resulted in the worst single day of political violence in the history of modern Bangladesh. Just maybe, according to observers of the trial, two other cases might progress to the stage where executions become possible. They are the cases of Ghulam Azam, the Jamaat-e-Islami’s leader in 1971, and of Salauddin Quader Chowdhury, a prominent member of the main opposition party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), and one of the closest advisers of its leader, Khaleda Zia.
Mr Chowdhury’s party might someday soon be in a position to have some influence over Bangladesh’s war-crimes trials. The BNP has been silent on what it intends to do with the trials if it wins the election. It fears that the stain of 1971 which still sticks to the Jamaat-e-Islami, its main electoral ally, may cost it votes. But it has a commanding lead in opinion polls and no party has ever won a second term. A BNP victory has come to seem very plausible indeed. That a BNP government would try bringing the trials to an end is a foregone conclusion.
Even with a government minded to do so, however, it would be tricky for anyone to halt the trials; they are still incredibly popular. An opinion poll by AC Nielsen in April 2013 showed that though nearly two thirds of respondents said the trials were “unfair” or “very unfair”, a whopping 86% wanted them to proceed regardless. The public view of the ICT is curious, but not self-contradictory. Annual opinion polls show that the war-crimes trials ranked among the top three “positive steps that the government has taken”, but they consistently fail to make the top-ten list of “issues that need the greatest attention of the government”. Fair or unfair, the trials pale in comparison before such matters of concern as inflation, education, power supply and food security.
Helpfully, from the BNP’s point of view, if it does decide to scotch the trials it need not fiddle with the judiciary or the constitution. According to the constitution the president has the “power to grant pardons, reprieves and respites and to remit, suspend or commute any sentence passed by any court, tribunal or other authority”.
For now, the conversation as Bangladesh heads towards its elections is focused on whether the BNP will boycott. The party says it won’t run unless the AL agrees to hold polls under a neutral caretaker. But the BNP is desperate to contest. It only persists in griping about the electoral procedures as an insurance policy, in case it fails to secure the victory it expects. The chances of an actual breakdown of the democratic process at or around election time seem (relatively) low at this point. Both parties are keen to contest, the army has no further appetite to intervene, having tried installing a technocratic government, which ruled from 2007 to 2008, already.
The more worrying prospect must be that of a political backlash and perhaps even the rehabilitation of the BNP’s Islamic allies; a less secular Bangladesh; and millions of AL supporters incensed by their government’s utter failure to deliver credible war-crimes trials.